Possible Outcomes of the Russo-Ukrainian War and China’s Choice

The Russo-Ukrainian War is the most severe geopolitical conflict since World War II and will result in far greater global consequences than September 11 attacks. At this critical moment, China needs to accurately analyze and assess the direction of the war and its potential impact on the international landscape. At the same time, in order to strive for a relatively favorable external environment, China needs to respond flexibly and make strategic choices that conform to its long-term interests.

Russia’s ‘special military operation’ against Ukraine has caused great controvsery in China, with its supporters and opponents being divided into two implacably opposing sides. This article does not represent any party and, for the judgment and reference of the highest decision-making level in China, this article conducts an objective analysis on the possible war consequences along with their corresponding countermeasure options.

I. Predicting the Future of the Russo-Ukrainian War

1.  Vladimir Putin may be unable to achieve his expected goals, which puts Russia in a tight spot. The purpose of Putin’s attack was to completely solve the Ukrainian problem and divert attention from Russia’s domestic crisis by defeating Ukraine with a blitzkrieg, replacing its leadership, and cultivating a pro-Russian government. However, the blitzkrieg failed, and Russia is unable to support a protracted war and its associated high costs. Launching a nuclear war would put Russia on the opposite side of the whole world and is therefore unwinnable. The situations both at home and abroad are also increasingly unfavorable. Even if the Russian army were to occupy Ukraine’s capital Kyiv and set up a puppet government at a high cost, this would not mean final victory. At this point, Putin’s best option is to end the war decently through peace talks, which requires Ukraine to make substantial concessions. However, what is not attainable on the battlefield is also difficult to obtain at the negotiating table. In any case, this military action constitutes an irreversible mistake.

2.  The conflict may escalate further, and the West’s eventual involvement in the war cannot be ruled out. While the escalation of the war would be costly, there is a high probability that Putin will not give up easily given his character and power. The Russo-Ukrainian war may escalate beyond the scope and region of Ukraine, and may even include the possibility of a nuclear strike. Once this happens, the U.S. and Europe cannot stay aloof from the conflict, thus triggering a world war or even a nuclear war. The result would be a catastrophe for humanity and a showdown between the United States and Russia. This final confrontation, given that Russia’s military power is no match for NATO’s, would be even worse for Putin.

3.  Even if Russia manages to seize Ukraine in a desperate gamble, it is still a political hot potato. Russia would thereafter carry a heavy burden and become overwhelmed. Under such circumstances, no matter whether Volodymyr Zelensky is alive or not, Ukraine will most likely set up a government-in-exile to confront Russia in the long term. Russia will be subject both to Western sanctions and rebellion within the territory of Ukraine. The battle lines will be drawn very long. The domestic economy will be unsustainable and will eventually be dragged down. This period will not exceed a few years.

4. The political situation in Russia may change or be disintegrated at the hands of the West. After Putin’s blitzkrieg failed, the hope of Russia’s victory is slim and Western sanctions have reached an unprecedented degree. As people’s livelihoods are severely affected and as anti-war and anti-Putin forces gather, the possibility of a political mutiny in Russia cannot be ruled out. With Russia’s economy on the verge of collapse, it would be difficult for Putin to prop up the perilous situation even without the loss of the Russo-Ukrainian war. If Putin were to be ousted from power due to civil strife, coup d’état, or another reason, Russia would be even less likely to confront the West. It would surely succumb to the West, or even be further dismembered, and Russia’s status as a great power would come to an end.

II. Analysis of the Impact of Russo-Ukrainian war On International Landscape

1. The United States would regain leadership in the Western world, and the West would become more united. At present, public opinion believes that the Ukrainian war signifies a complete collapse of U.S. hegemony, but the war would in fact bring France and Germany, both of which wanted to break away from the U.S., back into the NATO defense framework, destroying Europe’s dream to achieve independent diplomacy and self-defense. Germany would greatly increase its military budget; Switzerland, Sweden, and other countries would abandon their neutrality. With Nord Stream 2 put on hold indefinitely, Europe’s reliance on US natural gas will inevitably increase. The US and Europe would form a closer community of shared future, and American leadership in the Western world will rebound.

2. The “Iron Curtain” would fall again not only from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, but also to the final confrontation between the Western-dominated camp and its competitors. The West will draw the line between democracies and authoritarian states, defining the divide with Russia as a struggle between democracy and dictatorship. The new Iron Curtain will no longer be drawn between the two camps of socialism and capitalism, nor will it be confined to the Cold War. It will be a life-and-death battle between those for and against Western democracy. The unity of the Western world under the Iron Curtain will have a siphon effect on other countries: the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy will be consolidated, and other countries like Japan will stick even closer to the U.S., which will form an unprecedentedly broad democratic united front.

3. The power of the West will grow significantly, NATO will continue to expand, and U.S. influence in the non-Western world will increase. After the Russo-Ukrainian War, no matter how Russia achieves its political transformation, it will greatly weaken the anti-Western forces in the world. The scene after the 1991 Soviet and Eastern upheavals may repeat itself: theories on “the end of ideology” may reappear, the resurgence of the third wave of democratization will lose momentum, and more third world countries will embrace the West. The West will possess more “hegemony” both in terms of military power and in terms of values and institutions, its hard power and soft power will reach new heights.

4. China will become more isolated under the established framework. For the above reasons, if China does not take proactive measures to respond, it will encounter further containment from the US and the West. Once Putin falls, the U.S. will no longer face two strategic competitors but only have to lock China in strategic containment. Europe will further cut itself off from China; Japan will become the anti-China vanguard; South Korea will further fall to the U.S.; Taiwan will join the anti-China chorus, and the rest of the world will have to choose sides under herd mentality. China will not only be militarily encircled by the U.S., NATO, the QUAD, and AUKUS, but also be challenged by Western values and systems.

III. China’s Strategic Choice

1. China cannot be tied to Putin and needs to be cut off as soon as possible. In the sense that an escalation of conflict between Russia and the West helps divert U.S. attention from China, China should rejoice with and even support Putin, but only if Russia does not fall. Being in the same boat with Putin will impact China should he lose power. Unless Putin can secure victory with China’s backing, a prospect which looks bleak at the moment, China does not have the clout to back Russia. The law of international politics says that there are “no eternal allies nor perpetual enemies,” but “our interests are eternal and perpetual.” Under current international circumstances, China can only proceed by safeguarding its own best interests, choosing the lesser of two evils, and unloading the burden of Russia as soon as possible. At present, it is estimated that there is still a window period of one or two weeks before China loses its wiggle room. China must act decisively.

2. China should avoid playing both sides in the same boat, give up being neutral, and choose the mainstream position in the world. At present, China has tried not to offend either side and walked a middle ground in its international statements and choices, including abstaining from the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly votes. However, this position does not meet Russia’s needs, and it has infuriated Ukraine and its supporters as well as sympathizers, putting China on the wrong side of much of the world. In some cases, apparent neutrality is a sensible choice, but it does not apply to this war, where China has nothing to gain. Given that China has always advocated respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity, it can avoid further isolation only by standing with the majority of the countries in the world. This position is also conducive to the settlement of the Taiwan issue.

3. China should achieve the greatest possible strategic breakthrough and not be further isolated by the West. Cutting off from Putin and giving up neutrality will help build China’s international image and ease its relations with the U.S. and the West. Though difficult and requiring great wisdom, it is the best option for the future. The view that a geopolitical tussle in Europe triggered by the war in Ukraine will significantly delay the U.S. strategic shift from Europe to the Indo-Pacific region cannot be treated with excessive optimism. There are already voices in the U.S. that Europe is important, but China is more so, and the primary goal of the U.S. is to contain China from becoming the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific region. Under such circumstances, China’s top priority is to make appropriate strategic adjustments accordingly, to change the hostile American attitudes towards China, and to save itself from isolation. The bottom line is to prevent the U.S. and the West from imposing joint sanctions on China.

4. China should prevent the outbreak of world wars and nuclear wars and make irreplaceable contributions to world peace. As Putin has explicitly requested Russia’s strategic deterrent forces to enter a state of special combat readiness, the Russo-Ukrainian war may spiral out of control. A just cause attracts much support; an unjust one finds little. If Russia instigates a world war or even a nuclear war, it will surely risk the world’s turmoil. To demonstrate China’s role as a responsible major power, China not only cannot stand with Putin, but also should take concrete actions to prevent Putin’s possible adventures. China is the only country in the world with this capability, and it must give full play to this unique advantage. Putin’s departure from China’s support will most likely end the war, or at least not dare to escalate the war. As a result, China will surely win widespread international praise for maintaining world peace, which may help China prevent isolation but also find an opportunity to improve its relations with the United States and the West.

俄乌战争是二战以来最严峻的地缘政治冲突，将产生比911事件更大的全球性后果。中国目前需要准确研判这场战争的走向及其对国际格局的影响，灵活应变，作出符合中华民族长远利益的战略抉择，为中国争取相对有利的外部环境。

俄对乌’特别军事行动’在国内引发极大的分歧，支持者和反对者势不两立。本文不代表任何一方，谨以一个学者的个人名义客观分析战争可能的后果并在此基础上提出对策，供中国最高决策层研判和参考。

一、俄乌战争的走向预测

1、普京难以达到预期目的，俄罗斯陷入困境。普京此次行动的目的，是通过闪电战击垮乌克兰，更换乌克兰领导层，培植一个亲俄政府，彻底解决乌克兰问题，并藉此转移国内危机。但闪电战失败，俄罗斯无力支撑旷日持久的战争，扩大战争的代价高昂，发动核战争将彻底站在世界的对立面且没有胜算，国内外形势也日趋不利。即使俄军付出巨大代价占领基辅并建立傀儡政府，也不意味着最后的胜利。目前普京的最佳选项是通过和谈体面结束战争，这需要乌克兰作出实质性让步，但战场上得不到的在谈判桌上也很难得到。无论如何，这一军事行动铸就了无法挽回的错误。

2、战争或进一步升级，不排除西方最后卷入战争。虽然扩大战争的代价高昂，但以普京的性格和权力，大概率不会善罢甘休，俄乌战争可能升级并超出乌克兰的范围，甚至包括核打击的选项。一旦这样，美欧也不可能置身其外，从而引发世界大战甚至核大战。如是则造成人类的巨大灾难，美国与俄罗斯亦将最后对决，而俄罗斯的军事实力无法与北约匹敌，普京将败得更惨。

3、即使俄罗斯倾其国力孤注一掷，最后勉强占领乌克兰，也是一个烫手的山芋，从此俄罗斯将背上沉重的包袱，不堪重负。在这种情况下，无论泽连斯基是否活着，乌克兰大概率会成立流亡政府与俄长期周旋，俄罗斯同时遭受西方的制裁与乌克兰境内的叛乱，战线不得不拉得很长，国内经济状况难以为继，长此以往必将被拖垮，这个

不会超过数年。

4、俄罗斯政局可能发生变化，或被西方瓦解。普京闪电战失败，俄罗斯取胜的希望渺茫，西方的制裁达到空前的程度，国内经济和民生遭受严重影响，反战和反普京力量云集，不排除俄罗斯政局发生哗变的可能性。由于俄罗斯的经济已经到了崩溃的边缘，即使没有俄乌战争的失利，普京也很难支撑下去。如果普京因内乱、政变或其他原因谢幕，俄罗斯将更不可能与西方对抗，必将屈服于西方，甚至被进一步肢解，俄罗斯的大国地位将终结。

二、俄乌战争对国际格局影响研判

1、美国将重新获得西方世界的领导权，西方内部将更加团结统一。目前舆论认为乌克兰战争意味着美国霸权的彻底崩塌，但实际上俄乌战争将意欲摆脱美国的法国、德国重新拉回到北约防卫框架，欧洲实现自主外交、自主防卫的梦想破灭。德国大幅度增加军费预算，瑞士、瑞典等国家放弃中立。’北溪二号’也被无限期搁置，欧洲对美国天然气的依赖必然增加。美欧将更加紧密构成命运共同体，美国在西方世界的领导地位得以反弹。

2、’铁幕’再次落下，不仅是从波罗的海到黑海，而且将形成西方主导的阵营与其竞争者的最后对决。西方将以民主国家和独裁国家划线，并把与俄罗斯的分歧定义为民主和独裁的斗争。新的铁幕不再以社会主义与资本主义两大阵营划线，也不局限于冷战，而是西方民主与反西方民主的生死决战。铁幕下西方世界的铁板一块，会对其他国家产生虹吸效应，美国印太战略将得以巩固，日本等国将进一步紧贴美国。美国将构建空前广泛的民主统一战线。

3、西方力量将得到明显的增长，北约将继续扩大，美国在非西方世界的影响力也将提升。俄乌战争之后，俄罗斯无论以什么方式实现政治转型，都将大大削弱世界上的反西方力量。1991年苏东剧变后的场景可能重演，意识形态终结论可能再现，第三波民主化浪潮的回潮失去动力，更多第三世界国家将拥抱西方。西方无论在军事还是在价值观和制度上都会更加拥有’霸权’，硬实力和软实力达到新的高度。

4、中国在既定框架下将更加孤立。由于上述原因，中国如果不采取措施积极应变，将遭遇美国和西方的进一步围堵。普京倒下后美国从面临中国与俄罗斯两个战略竞争对手转变为锁定中国一个进行战略遏制，欧洲将进一步与中国切割，日本成为反华急先锋，韩国进一步倒向美国，世界其他国家将不得不进行选边站并产生从众效应，台湾也将加入反华大合唱。中国不仅面临美国和北约、QUAD（美日印澳四方联盟）、AUKUS在军事上的包围，而且面临西方价值观和制度的挑战。

三、中国的战略抉择

1、中国不能与普京捆绑在一起，需要尽快切割。俄罗斯与西方冲突升级，有助于转移美国对中国的注意力，从这个意义上说中国应当乐见其成，甚至对普京予以支持，但前提是俄罗斯不能倒下。如果普京失势了，中国又与普京在一条船上，必将受其连累。除非普京在中国的支持下能够稳操胜券，但目前看这种前景十分暗淡，而且中国也没有足够的力量坚挺俄罗斯。国际政治的基本法则是’没有永恒的朋友，也没有永恒的敌人，只有永恒的利益’。面临当下的国际情势，中国只能从维护自身最大利益出发，两害相权取其轻，尽快卸下俄罗斯这个包袱。目前估计还有一、两周的窗口期，再迟中国就可能丧失回旋余地，必须当机立断。

2、避免两头不落好，放弃保持中立，选择世界主流的立场。目前中国在国际上的表态和抉择，形式上试图走中间路线，两头不得罪，包括在联合国安理会和联合国大会上都投了弃权票，以及在支持俄罗斯的同时也想安抚乌克兰。但这一立场实际上既不能满足俄罗斯的需求，也让乌克兰及其支持者和同情者感到愤怒，站到了世界多数国家的对立面。在有些情况下，表面上的中立是一种明智的选择，但不适用于这场战争，中国此次无渔翁之利可收。鉴于中国一贯主张尊重国家主权和领土完整，就只能站在世界上大多数国家一边，以免被进一步孤立。这一立场对于解决台湾问题也是有利的。

3、尽可能实现战略突围，不能被西方进一步孤立。通过与普京切割以及放弃中立立场，有助于树立中国的国际形象，并借此机会通过各种努力缓和与美国和西方的关系。尽管这很难，需要大智慧，但是未来的最佳选择。有观点认为，由乌克兰战争引发的欧洲地缘政治之争将大大延缓美国从欧洲向印太地区进行战略转移，对此不能过于乐观。美国国内已经有呼声：欧洲很重要，但是中国更重要，美国的首要目标是遏制中国成为印太地区的主导力量。在此情况下，如何利用俄乌战争做适度战略调整，尽一切可能改变美国对中国的敌视态度，并进而摆脱孤立局面，是中国面临的头等大事。底线是防止美国和西方对中国进行连带制裁。

4、制止世界大战及核战争爆发，为世界和平作出不可替代的贡献。由于普京已经明确要求俄罗斯战略威慑力量进入特殊战备状态，俄乌战争有可能走向失控。得道多助，失道寡助，如果俄罗斯挑起世界大战甚至核大战，必将冒天下之大不韪。面对这一危局，同时为了体现中国作为负责任大国的积极作用，中国不仅不能与普京站在一起，而且应当采取明确行动，竭力阻止普京的可能的冒险。中国是世界上唯一具有这种能力的国家，必须发挥这一独特优势，普京离开中国的支持大概率只能结束战争，至少不敢贸然升级战争。由此，中国必将赢得国际上的普遍赞赏，不仅有助于摆脱被进一步孤立的局面，而且为维护世界和平立下了头功，并从中或可为改善与美国和西方的关系找到契机。

【写于2022年3月5日。胡伟系国务院参事室公共政策研究中心副理事长，上海市公共政策研究会会长，察哈尔学会学术委员会主任委员，教授、博导。延伸阅读，点击这里查阅作者文章’邓小平是如何统筹国内国际两个大局的？’】